The work of Karl Marx "18 Brother Louis Bonaparte" has long been recognized as a classic political analysis. She was written under the immediate impression of the coup in France, produced on December 2, 1851 Louis Bonaparte. Marx examines this coup as a caricature for a coup carried out by Napoleon Bonaparte on November 9 (18 Brother) 1799. Hence the name of the book. But the essence of the case is not in this. On the example of the coup, implemented by Louis Bonaparte, Marx showed well that any attempts to repeat what was "wore a glorious character" in the past, in the present it looks different like a farce.

Let us forgive us the reader so long entry, but we need it in order to understand how the mind is the mind of those who, despite the warnings of the Heraclit, who are called the Greeks "Dark", is still trying to join the same river twice. Our article we will talk about the next "innovation", which is trying to make a long-suffering law "On the general principles of organizing local governments in the Russian Federation" Our progressive and from this non-unconnected deputies of the State Duma. In particular, deputies are offered in major cities of Russia to create intracity municipalities within the boundaries of urban areas. Some local questions will be departed to them. Presumably, their powers will include the solution of the closest issues to population.

If these amendments are accepted, then on the example of Saratov, the system of local self-government will receive the following configuration: six internal municipalities will be formed in the city (by the number of city districts), which will have their own representative bodies. The city may, in turn, will be formed from district deputies, and the head of the city will elect deputies from their composition. The administration will continue to lead the City Manager appointed on a competitive basis.

Does it remind you anything? Ask more senior comrades, as the local government was arranged in Saratov in the year in the year 80th. They will tell you that she was exactly what she wants to see today's initiators of the amendments. Nearby, initiators are trying to revive the USSR, or rather the system of local governments, which was in the period soviet power. There is a lot of mind. Take the old scheme and apply it to new realities. Will it work - not so important. In this article we will show that this idea is a utopia that can not organize, but to disorganize the system of local authorities. But first things first.

If someone forgot, we recall that in the Soviet Union all (including the lowest) authorities were not only controlled by the CPSU, but also the most closely with this ruling party intertwined. That is why we believe that the revival of the previous system of local self-government is impossible without establishing a new party created by the type of CPSU.

If you take the city level, then starting from the district link parallel to the district councils of national deputies there were district party organizations that stood above these advice. The advice themselves were divided into legislative and executive - a risoset and a district executive, respectively. In each area of \u200b\u200bthe city there was a district party committee. Secretary of the district office of the CPSUs, as a rule, became the chairman of the district council. Especially emphasize that without the party the tips could not work. They were Siamese twins, whose separation was impossible without a fatal outcome for both halves.

When the CPSU rehearsed in the Bose, followed by it for a long time to live and tips all levels. And the point is not that the tips could not exist without a party. The fact is that they were originally created as organs controlled, accountable, dependent on party bodies. Therefore, our first thesis can be formulated like this: if you revive the previous (district) system of local self-government, then it is necessary to revive and something very similar to the CPSU.

We believe that there will be no difficulty with this. The difficulties arose on the other hand, with the one about which the authors of the amendments, most likely, did not even think.
Recall our readers again that in Saratov, however, as in the entire RSFSR, the councils, including district, existed until October 1993. If someone believes that they could exist and today, if Boris Yeltsin had not abolished them with his decree, then dare to say that this is an erroneous.

The fact is that having an ideological (guideline) platform in the form of a district committee of the CPSU, district councils had a very powerful material (financial) platform in the form of the most powerful Soviet enterprises located on the territory of the same city of Saratov.

The most rich, by the standards of those times, were the advice of two regions of the city ... You probably have already guessed what they called the factory and Leninsky. Regional councils of those distant years have more like the bodies that were engaged in small landscaping, as the searcation of flower, landscaping, painting shops and fences, as well as the organization of festive events related to the next anniversary of the Great October and May Day. They were engaged in the organization of elections, well, and other small things.

The lion's share of costs for the maintenance of housing, utilities, social sector, infrastructure and other things have carried on their shoulders of the city's enterprise. For example, in the factory district, these were a SAZ, a teubrous plant, SPZ, NITRO SPO, refinery, not counting the company's smaller scale. These were the donors of the district budget, while not direct, and mediated, because, as we have already noted, the lion's share of housing and communal services and so on. Provided enterprises themselves.

Recall that the Soviet enterprise is a production and social complex, on the balance of which, not counting the production, was almost all: Vodokanal, communal, housing, schools, kindergartens, cultural houses, recreation centers, even parks and squares. Alone, district councils could not do anything. They were not prepared for this. They had nothing of the fact that today, for example, is on the balance of the city administration. No techniques, nor specialists, nothing. All this was engaged in the enterprise.

A risoset in the ordinary Soviet alone is most often associated with Rysobes. Here it was possible to become a queue for the apartment, and even that if you didn't work on such a giant, like SAZ or Nitron. In other words, help could get, so to speak, "overhexious" residents who did not work on the giants of the Soviet industry. Our second thesis states: for the revival of the former system of district councils, it is necessary to revive the giants of the Soviet industry. For example, such as SAZ, NITRO SPO, SPZ (on the scale of sample production of 1985), refinery, a plant of heavy gear cutting machines, and further on the list.

Once again we emphasize that the tips of all levels were eliminated by decree Yeltsin rather formally. Without a party and the Soviet type of production, they could not exist. The collapse of the domestic industry, the refusal of enterprises contain, so, called the socialist led to the fact that the district councils lost their material platform and were abolished not only as political elements in the management system, but also as elements devoid of logistical (budget base) .

Therefore, initiators of the amendments will need to think about how to revive donors of risosets, but since, for example, SAZ is no longer restored (mince is not possible to scroll back, and meat from the kitlet will not restore), to keep such advice will not be that they will not have any authority ( Due to the lack of money), they will be purely nominal and they will hang out useless Gary on the body of the already scant budget of the city of Saratov.

By the way, about the budget. After such a reform, it will be necessary to "smear" in six districts, and otherwise why establish a risitioner, if you do not give them money!

How will we "smear", all sisters in earrings, or, taking into account the number of residents in every area? In Leninsky, for example, about 270 thousand Saratov residents live, and in Frunzensky about 30 thousand. So what is all billion, or after all, given the squares and the number of residents? The question is not a rhetorical.

Formally, these miserable 10 billion (or a little more, not in this essence) rubles from the city budget can be divided into six. 1 billion with kopecks on the area will be released, but it is also halfwed. After all, the division of the budget will need to share the infrastructure. Vodokanal, roads, energy, socitalian, etc. District authorities will now answer for everyone. But if 1 billion rubles. Frunzensky district will somehow be able to get out, the factory and Leninsky will finally be reached and irrevocable. Or district counters will be created, but the budget will be consolidated? But then such a struggle for the world will begin, i.e. For the budget that the stone on the stone will not be!

Of course, we can be accused here in an exaggerated approach, but we will not be offended and let's go to the third thesis that will sound like this: without money, this reform is doomed to failure, without money, but with the division of urban self-government for six risosets, this is the guide will be paralyzed .

That is why we considered and continue to believe that the local government should not be reformed with the recreation of old structures that worked in another coordinate system, but from the creation of a material base of local self-government. But, apparently, the initiators of this amendments were limited only by bureaucratic issues, leaving the question of the material and financial base at the discretion of the already tone and dying Russian cities.

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1 TO. Marx Preface to the Second German Edition of 1869

My prematurely died friend Joseph Weidemeyer [during the Civil War in America held the post of military chief of St. Louis County. (Marx Note.)] It was about to publish in New York from January 1, 1852. Political weekly. He asked me to write to this publication the story of Coup D "Etat. In accordance with this request, I wrote for him weekly until mid-February Articles under the title:" The Eighteenth Louis Louis Bonaparte ". Meanwhile, the initial plan of Weidemeyer failed. Instead, he in spring 1852 G. began to publish a monthly magazine "Die Revolution", the first release of which consists of my "eighteenth brother." A few hundred copies of this composition penetrated into Germany, not by doing, however, to the real book market. One cortex of the extreme radical German The bookseller, to whom I suggested to take on the sale of my essay, with genuine moral horror rejected such a "untimely venture".

From what was said, it is clear that the proposed essay arose under the immediate impression of events and that its historical material does not go beyond February (1852). Its present reprint is due to the demand in the book market, in part in the informatives of my friends in Germany.

From the writings that appeared almost simultaneously with mine and are dedicated to the same question, only two are noteworthy: "Napoleon Small" Viktor Hugo and the "Northward coup" of Proudhon.

Viktor Hugo is limited by caustic and witty attacks against the responsible publisher of the state coup. The most event is depicted from him, like a thunder among the clear sky. He sees only the act of violence from a separate personality. He does not notice that he depicts this identity of the Great instead of a small, attributing to her unparalleled in the world history of personal initiative. Proudhon, on his part, seeks to present the state coup by the result of the previous historical development. But the historical design of the coup is imperceptible to the historical apology of the hero of this coup. It flows, thus, in the error of our so-called objective historians. I, on the contrary, show how the class struggle in France created the conditions and circumstances, who gave the opportunity of a dozen and funny person to play the role of the hero.

The processing of the proposed essay would deprive his peculiar color. Therefore, I was limited only to the correction of typos and the elimination of those who were already incomprehensible hints.

The final words of my essay: "But if the imperial mantle falls, finally, on the shoulders of Louis Bonapora, the bronze statue of Napoleon will overthrow from the height of the Vandom Column," already come true.

Colonel Sharras discovered the attack Pa Cult Napoleon in his essay about the campaign of 1815. Since then, and especially in recent years, French literature with the help of weapons of historical research, critics, satire and humor ended with Napoleonic legend forever. Outside of France, this sharp gap with the traditional folk faith, this huge spiritual revolution, a little drew attention and even less was understood.

In conclusion, I hope that my essay will contribute to the elimination of Khoachi - especially now in Germany - the Scholar phrase about the so-called Caesarism. With this surface historical analogy, they forget the most important thing, namely, that in ancient Rome, class struggle took place only inside a privileged minority, between the free rich and free poor, while the huge productive mass of the population, slaves, served only by a passive pedestal for these fighters. Forget the Metage Note of Sissondi: the Roman proletariat lived at the expense of society, meanwhile, as a modern society lives at the expense of the proletariat. With such a radical difference between the material, economic conditions of the ancient and modern struggle and political figures generated by this struggle, they may have nothing more common than Archbishop Canterbury and High Priest Samuel.

London, June 23, 1869 Karl Marx printed by: Marx K., Engels F. Ooo. 2nd ed., Vol. 16, p. 374-376.

2.F. Engels Preface to the Third German Edition of 1885

The need for the new edition "Eighteenth Brother" thirty-three years after his first appearance proves that this work has not yet lost its meaning.

And indeed, it was a brilliant work. Immediately after the event, which exactly thunder among the clear sky struck the entire political world, which some cursed with loud cries of moral indignation, and others took as salvation from the revolution and as a kara for its delusions, the events that, however, had only astonishment and It was not understood by anyone, - immediately after this event Marx made a brief, epigramocrium work, which outlined the entire course of French history since the time of February in his internal communication and revealed the natural result of this connection in the miracle on December 2, and for this It did not need to treat the hero of the state coup, otherwise, as well as well-deserved contempt. The picture was drawn by Marx with such skill that every subsequently made new exposure delivered only new evidence of how it was correctly reflected in reality. Such an excellent understanding of the living history of modernity, such clear penetration into the meaning of events at the very moment when they occurred, truly unparably.

But for this required such a deep knowledge of French history, which Marx had. France is the country in which the historical class struggle is greater than in other countries, it reached each time to a decisive end. In France, those changeable political forms were made in the sharpening outline, within which this class struggle moved and in which its results found their expression. The focus of feudalism in the Middle Ages, the exemplary country of the uniform textual monarchy since Renaissance, France defeated feudalism during the Great Revolution and founded the pure domination of the bourgeoisie with such a classic clarity, as no other European country. And the struggle raising the head of the proletariat against the dominant bourgeoisie also acts here in such an acute form, which is unknown to other countries. That is why Marx with a special preference studied not only last history of France, but also watched in all the details for its current history, collecting material for use in the future. Events Therefore, they never found him surprise.

This was joined by another circumstance. It was Marx for the first time who opened the great law of the movement of history, the law, according to which any historical struggle - whether it is committed in political, religious, philosophical or in any other ideological field - in reality is only a more or less clear expression of the struggle of public classes, and existence These classes, together with them, collisions among themselves, in turn, are determined by the degree of development of their economic situation, the nature and method of production and the exchange of them. This law, having the same value, as the law of turning the energy for natural science, served as Marx and in this case the key to understanding the history of the French Second Republic. On this story, he checked the correctness of the law open by him in this work, and even thirty-three years later, it should still be recognized that this test gave brilliant results.

Hegel somewhere notes that all the great world-historical events and personalities appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time in the form of a tragedy, the second time in the form of a farce. Cosatier instead of Danton, Louis Blanc instead of Robespierre, Mount 1848 - 1851. Instead of Mount 1793 - 1795, nephew instead of uncle. And the same caricature in the circumstances accompanying the second edition of the eighteenth Brother!

People themselves make their history, but they do it wrong, as they do, under the circumstances that they did not choose themselves, and which are directly available, are given to them and switched from the past. The traditions of all the dead generations are like a nightmare, over the minds of the living. And just when people seemed to be engaged that they alter themselves and the surrounding and create something even unprecedented, just in such epochs of revolutionary crises, they fearfully resort to spells, causing them to help the spirits of the past, borrow names , combat slogans, costumes, so that in this consecrated antiquity, the outfit, paragraph this borrowed language to play a new scene of the World History. So, Luther disguised as the Apostle Paul, revolution 1789 - 1814. Drapeted alternately in the costume of the Republic of Roman republic, then in the costume of the Roman Empire, and the revolution of 1848 did not find anything better, as partitioning then 1789, then revolutionary traditions of 1793-1795. So, the newcomer who studied a foreign language always translates his mentally to his native language; The spirit of the new language, until I did not care and until then, does not own them freely, until he can do without a mental translation, until he forgets him in a new language.

When considering these world-historical spells of the dead, the sharp difference between them is immediately striking. Camilla Demlen, Danton, Robespierre, Saint-Just, Napoleon, like heroes and parties and the masses of the old French revolution, carried out in Roman costume and with Roman phrases on the task of their time - exemption from the shackles and the establishment of a modern bourgeois society. Some units were broken by the foundations of feudalism and fed the feudal heads growing on its basis. The other created within France conditions under which only the development of free competition was possible, the operation of parcelized land ownership, the use of the nation liberated from the shackles of the industrial productive forces, and outside of France, he destroyed feudal forms to the extent that it was necessary to Create for a bourgeois society in France appropriate, meets the needs of the time an environment on the European continent. But as soon as the new social formation has developed, the doping giants disappeared and with them the whole resurrection from the dead Roman older - all these bruts, rags, publishes, tribunes, senators and Caesar himself. The sober-practical bourgeois society has found itself true interpreters and heralds in Saye, cousins, Ruaire-collar, bondemen constants and GIZO; His real commander was sitting behind the office tables, his political chapter was a fat-headed Louis XVIII. Completely absorbed by the creation of wealth and peaceful competitive struggle, it no longer remembered that his cradle was guarded by the ancient Roman ghosts. However, no matter how little heroic bourgeois society, heroism, self-sacrifice, terror, civil war and the battle of peoples needed to appear.

In the classically strict traditions of the Roman Republic, the Gladiators of the Bourgeois Society found ideals and artistic forms, the illusions necessary to them in order to hide from themselves the bourgeois-limited content of their struggle to keep their inspiration at the height of the Great Historical Tragedy. So, one century earlier, at another stage of development, Cromwell and the English people took advantage of the tongue, passions and illusions borrowed from the Old Testament for their bourgeois revolution. When the actual goal was achieved when the bourgeois transformation of the English society was accomplished, Locke displaced the prophet Avwakum.

Thus, in these revolutions, the resurrection of the dead served to exalt the new struggle, and not for the paroding of the old, served in order to exhibit this task in the imagination, and not to see from its permission in reality - in order to find Again the spirit of the revolution, and not in order to make her ghost be afraid again.

B 1848 - 1851 Only the ghost of the old revolution was wandering, starting with Marrasta, this republicain EP Gants Jaunes, disguised into the costume of the old Bayei, and ending the adventurer who hides his gone-disgusting face under the iron mask of the Dead Napoleon. The whole people who believed that he accelerated his progressive movement through the revolution, suddenly turns back to the deceased era. And so that there was no doubt that the old dates, old churches, old names, the old Edicts have long been resurrected, and the elder, which seemed to have long been exultant, gendarmes were again resurrected to this. The nation feels the same way as that crumpled Englishman in Bedlama, who imagined himself with a contemporary of the ancient pharaohs and daily bitterly complained about the grave work of the Rudopia, which he must perform in the Golden Miniopia mines, in this underground prison, where it is sharpened, with dim lamp reinforced on his own head, under the supervision of the supervisor for slaves with a long beach in the hand and crowding from the exits of barbarians-soldiers who do not understand neither convicts - mines, nor each other, because everyone speaks in different languages. "And all this have to endure to me, free-born Britt," sighs the cropped Englishman, - "To get gold for the ancient pharaohs." "To pay the debts of the Bonaparte family," the French nation sighs. The Englishman, while he was in the right mind, could not get rid of the obsessive idea of \u200b\u200bmining gold. The French, while they were engaged in the revolution, could not get rid of memories of Napoleon, as the elections were proved on December 10th. From the dangers of the revolution they pulled back to the Egyptian boilers with meat, - and the answer was on December 2, 1851. They received not only a caricature on Old Napoleon, they got the oldest Napoleon in a caricature form, got it as he should look in the middle of the XIX century.

The social revolution of the XIX century can draw its poetry only from the future, and not from the past. It cannot begin to carry out its own task before it does not finish with all the superstitious veneration of the antiquity. The former revolutions needed memories of the world-historical events of the past to deceive themselves about their own content. The revolution of the XIX century should provide the dead men to bury their dead to clarify their own content. There the phrase was higher than the content, here the content is above the phrase.

The February Revolution was a surprise for the old society, she inspired him by surprise, and the people proclaimed this sudden blow to a world-famous event that opens a new era. On December 2, the February Revolution disappears in the hands of a deft cheeler, and as a result, no monarchy is already being destroyed, and those liberal concessions that were allotted with a century-old struggle. Instead of the Society itself won a new content, only the state seems to be returned to its most ancient form, to the shameless-primitive domination of the sword and rods. At the February Coup de Main 1848 answers the December Coup de Tete 1851. As a fit and lived. However, the time passed between these events was not in vain. During 1848 - 1851 The French society learned, - according to the way abbreviated, because he was revolutionary, the lessons and experience, which, with the right, so to speak, the methodical, the course of development would have to precede the February Revolution, whether it would be more serious than a simple surface concrete. It seems that society now has now behind its original point, in fact, it has only to create a source point for the revolution, to create a situation, relations, conditions under which the modern revolution can only be taken serious.

Bourgeois revolutions, such as the revolution of the 18th century, rapidly carry from success to success, in them the dramatic effects are one dargener than the other, people and things are illuminated by Bengal Fire, every day breathes by ecstasy, but they are breastruptted, they quickly reach their apogee, and The Company covers a long hangover before it has time to soberly master the results of its period of storms and onslaught. On the contrary, the proletarian revolutions, the revolution of the XIX century, constantly criticize themselves, and then it is stopped in their movement, return to what it seems to be already fulfilled in order to once again begin this Syznov, the weaknesses and disrepair of their first ridicule attempts, dump your opponent with legs as it were only for one of the earth to absorb fresh strength and again got up to all the growth against them even more powerful than before, everything is again and again receded before the uncertain entertainment of their own goals, until it is created A position that cuts out every way to retreat while life itself will not be inflated:

Hie Rhodus, Hie Salta! Here Rose, here dance!

However, every little supervisory man, even who did not follow a step by step for the development of events in France, should have to predict that this revolution would have unheard of shame. It was enough to listen to the smug victorious tanking of the Lord Democrats, congratulating each other with the fertile consequences expected from the second Sunday of May 1852. The second Sunday of May 1852 was in their heads an intrusive idea, a dogma, like the Day of the Second Coming of Christ and the onset of the Millennial Kingdom of Hiliasts. Weakness always flew faith in miracles; She considered the enemy defeated, if she managed to defeat him in his imagination through spells, and lost all the sense of reality because of the inactive exaltation to the heavens of the waiting for her future and the features that she intended to do, but to report which she believes while premature. These heroes, trying to disprove the opinion of their obvious notion by the fact that they mutually express their own sympathy and rally in a special group, already collected their belts and, capturing their laurel wreaths, was intended to take their republics in parlibus on the stock exchange, government Personnel for which secretly, with immiscibility inherent to them, was already prudently organized by them. December 2 struck them as a thunder blow among the clear sky. And peoples who, during periods of little disadvantage, willingly allow to drown out their inner fear with the loudest cry, this time, perhaps they were convinced that those times were taken when Gusey's gazoia could save the Capitol.

Constitution, National Assembly, Dynastic Party, Blue and Red Republicans, African Heroes, Thunder Tribunes, Press Zarnitsa, All Literature, Political Names and Scientists Reputations, Civil Law and Criminal Law, Liberte, Egalite, FraternNite and Second Sunday May 1852 - Everything disappeared as a phantasmagoria, in front of the magic formula of a person, whom even his enemies do not consider the sorcerer. The universal eligible right seemed to last another instant only to make his own testament before the eyes of the whole world and declare himself from behalf of the people: "Everything that arises worthy of death."

It is not enough to say, according to the example of the French, that their nation was caught by surprise. The nation, like a woman, does not say goodbye to a minute of the symbol when the first counter adventurer can take violence over it. Such phrases do not allow riddles, but only otherwise it is formulated. After all, it is necessary to explain how three passing can be cluttered by surprise and capture a 36 million nation without resistance.

We summarize in the general figures of the phase through which the French revolution was held on February 24, 1848 to December 1851.

Here are three undoubted main periods: February period; dated May 4, 1848 to May 28, 1849 - the period of the establishment of the Republic, or the Constituent National Assembly; May 28, 1849 to December 2, 1851 - the period of the Constitutional Republic, or the Legislative National Assembly.

The first period, of February 24, i.e., from the fall of Louis Philippe, until May 4, 1848, i.e., before the opening of the meetings of the Constituent Assembly, the February period in his own sense of the word, - can be called the Prologue of the revolution. The nature of this period was officially officially in the fact that the government created by the impromptant itself declared himself temporary. Like the government, everything that was undertaken was tried and expressed during this period, issued itself only for something temporary. No one and nothing jerked to recognize the right to continuously existence on the actual matter. All elements prepared or determined by the revolution: dynastic opposition, Republican bourgeoisie, democratic-republican petty bourgeoisie, socialist-democratic workers - all these elements temporarily received a place in the February Government.

Otherwise, I could not. The February Days were initially intended to achieve election reform, which would expand the range of politically privileged inside the people themselves and would oversee the exclusive domination of the financial aristocracy. But when it came to a valid collision, when the people rose to the barricades when the National Guard took the position of passive waiting for a passive waiting, the army did not have serious resistance and the monarchy was facing the flight, the establishment of the republic began to mean as if by itself. Each party interpreted it in its own way. The proletariat, who won the republic with a weapon in his hands, put his stamp on it and proclaimed it with the social republic. So it was planned that the total content of the modern revolution was the content that was in the most amazing contradiction with all that it was possible to carry out immediately, directly, from this material, on the mass level achieved, under these circumstances and conditions. On the other hand, the claims of all other elements that promoted the success of the February Revolution were satisfied with the provision of lion's share in the government. That is why in any other period cannot be found more motionless mixtures of pompous phrases and actual uncertainty and helplessness, more enthusiastic desire for innovations and more durable domination of the old routine, more deceptive visibility of the harmony of society as a whole and the deeper alienation of its elements. While the Paris proletariat was still uneven from the great perspective discovered to him and seriously indulged in discussions on social problems, the old public forces were grouped together, came up, sensed and found an unexpected support in the mass of the nation - in peasants and small bourgeois, asked for a political scene. After fell barriers that existed at the July monarchy.

The second period - dated May 4, 1848 until the end of May 1849 is the period of the institution, the founding of the bourgeois republic. Immediately after the February days, not only the dynastic opposition was caught up by the republicans, and the Republicans were socialists, but the whole of France was caught by Paris's surround. Opened meetings on 4 May 1848, the National Assembly, which was elected nation, represented a nation. This meeting was a live protest against the requirements of the February days and had to reduce the results of the revolution to the bourgeois scale. Paris proletariat tried in vain, immediately solved the nature of this national assembly, a few days after its discovery, on May 15, to stop his existence by force, dismiss it, decompose the organic shape again, in which he threatened to oppose the spirit of the nation. Day May 15, as you know, led only to the removal from the public Arena, for all the time the cycle, forms under consideration, forms and its like-minded people, i.e., the real leaders of the proletarian party.

The bourgeois monarchy Louis Philip can follow only the bourgeois republic, i.e., if, hiding behind the name of the king, the small part of the bourgeoisie dominated the name of the King, then he will initially dominate, hiding behind the name of the people, the whole bourgeoisie in general. Requirements of the Parisian proletariat, these are bored utopians who need to put an end. The statement of the Constituent National Assembly, the Paris Proletariat replied by the June uprising, this is a major event in the history of European civil wars. The winner remained the bourgeois republic. On her side there were financial aristocracy, industrial bourgeoisie, medium layers, minor bourgeois, army, organized in the mobile Guard Lumen-proletariat, intelligentsia, priests and rural population. Paris proletariat had only himself on his side. After the victory over it over three thousand rebels was killed, fifteen thousand exiled without trial. Since this defeat, the proletariat goes to the rear plan of the revolutionary scene. He again tries to make his way forward every time it seems that a new rise has come in motion, but these attempts are becoming all weak and bring all the more insignificant results. As soon as some of the above-standing public layers come to revolutionary fermentation, the proletariat enters the union with him and thus separates all the lesions consistently undergoing various parties. But these subsequent strikes are becoming weaker as they are distributed in an increasing surface of society. The more outstanding leaders of the proletariat in the meeting and in the press one after another are made by the victim of the court, and their place is occupied by increasingly dubious individuals. Part of the proletariat is started at the doctrine experiments, the creation of exchange banks and workers' associations - in other words, in such a movement in which he refuses to make a coup in the old world, using the combination of mighty means of mighty means, and trying to exercise his liberation behind his back Societies, privately, within limited conditions for its existence, and therefore inevitably fails. The proletariat, apparently, is not able to find its former revolutionary greatness in itself, neither to learn new energy from the newly prisoners of alliances until all the classes with whom he fought in June will not be also attacked as he himself. But proletariat. At least, fell with honor worthy of the great world-historical struggle; Not only France - the whole of Europe trembles from the June earthquake, meanwhile, as subsequent defeats of higher classes are bought by such a cheap price that the winning party has to resort to brazen exaggerations, in order to give them the nature of events at all, and these defeats are becoming more disgraceful than the farther party Communion from proletarian.

The defeat of the June rebels, however, prepared, cleared the soil on which the building of the bourgeois republic could be erected, but at the same time it showed that in Europe the case is not about the dispute on the topic: "Republic or monarchy", but about something friend. This defeat found that the bourgeois republic means the unlimited despotic domination of the same class above others. It showed that in the countries of the old civilization with a developed division into classes, with modern conditions of production and with spiritual consciousness, in which, thanks to the age-old work, all those inherited by tradition ideas were dissolved that in such countries the republic means only the political form of the revolutionary transformation of the bourgeois society in such a country, and not the conservative form of its existence, as, for example, in the United States of North America, where classes, although there are already existed, but have not yet been satisfied and in continuous movement they constantly update their components and transmit them to each other, where modern means of production are not only not combined With chronic overcrowdows, but, on the contrary, fill the relative drawback in the heads and arms and where, finally, the feverish, full of youthful forces of material production, which should master the new world, did not give any time nor the case to end the old world of ghosts.

All classes and batch during the June days were rallied in the party of order against the class of proletarians - the Party of Anarchy, Socialism, Communism. They "saved" society from the "enemies of society". They chose a password for their troops The motto of the old society: "Property, family, religion, order," and encouraged the counter-revolutionary crusaders with words: "Slim Win!" From now on, as soon as one of the numerous parties, which spurled under this banner against the June rebels, tries in his own class interest in the revolutionary arena, it is defeated under the slogan: "Property, family, religion, order!" The Company turns out to be saved every time the circle of his lords is narrowed, when the tall interests are led over more common interests. Any requirement of the easiest bourgeois financial reform, the most template liberalism, the most formal republicanism, the most flat democratism is simultaneously punishable as "attempted society" and is branded as "socialism." At the end of the Supreme Priests, "Religion and Order" themselves, kicks from their Pythi Trenels, among the nights they are painted from bed, they will jump into the Arrest Karet, they are thrown into prison or send them to exile, their temple is compared with the Earth, they are plugged with their mouths, they break their feathers, Their law is robbed - in the name of religion, property, family and order. Drunk crowds of soldiers shoot the bourgeois standing on their balconies - fanatics of order, defile their family shrine, bombard them for fun at home - in the name of ownership, family, religion and order. To top it off, the bourgeois society script is formed by the sacred phalanx of the order and the hero of Krapülinsky enters the Tuilry Palace as a "Savior Society".

Let's return to the interrupted thread of presentation

The history of the Constituent National Assembly since the time of June Day is the history of domination and decomposition of the republican faction of the bourgeoisie, faction known as three-color republicans, clean Republicans, political republicans, formal Republicans and so on.

This fraction was at the Bourgeois monarchy Louis-Philip, the official republican opposition and, by virtue of this, was a generally accepted component of the then political world. She had its representatives in the wards and enjoyed a significant influence in the press. Her Parisian authority "National" was at a kind of equally respectable as "Journal Des Debats". Its position with the constitutional monarchy corresponded to its character. It was not cohesive any major common interests and separated by the specific conditions of production by the bourgeoisie fraction. It was a click, consisting of republican bourgeois, writers, lawyers, officers and officials, the influence of which was based on the country's antipathy to the personality of Louis Philippe, on the memories of the first republic, to the republican beliefs of the dreamers, and most importantly - on French nationalism, hatred Which to the Viennese treatises and to the Union with England, she never gave to cool. With Louis Philippe "National", it was obliged to join it a significant part of his supporters of the hidden imperialism, which was why he was able to subsequently, in the republic, to speak in the face of Louis Bonaparte against the "National" itself as a victorious competitor. Against the financial aristocracy "National" struggled, like the rest of the bourgeois opposition. The controversy against the budget, in France, the whole coincided with the struggle against the financial aristocracy, delivered too cheap popularity and too abundant material for Puritan LEADING Articles to not be operated. Industrial bourgeoisie was grateful to "National" for his Khopan's defense of the French patronization system, - the defense with which he, however, made more from national, than from political and economic motivations, the whole bourgeoisie was as a whole thanks to him for his malicious hunter for communism and socialism. However, the National Party was a pure republican, that is, she demanded the republican form of bourgeois domination instead of monarchical and, above all, for himself the lion's share in this domination. On the conditions of this political change, she had the most vague ideas. But she was clear as God's day, - and on banquets in favor of the reform by the end of the reign of Louis-Philipp, it was clearly discovered - that it is unpopular in the medium of democratic minor bourgeois, and especially in the environment of the revolutionary proletariat. These clean Republicans, as shanding to clean Republicans, were already completely ready for the beginning of the regent of the Duchess of Orleans, when the February Revolution broke out, which brought them to the most prominent representatives of the place in the temporary government. They, of course, had the trust of the bourgeoisie and the majority in the Constituent National Assembly. Socialist elements of the temporary government were immediately excluded from the Executive Commission formed by the National Assembly after its discovery; And the outbreak of the June uprising party "National" took advantage of the resignation and the most executive commission and thus get rid of its closest rivals, from small-bourgeois, or democratic, Republicans (ice-roll and other). Cavenik, General of the Bourgeois-Republican Party, who commanded the June slaughter, took the place of the Executive Commission, having received a kind of dictatorial power. Marrast, the former chief editor "National", became the permanent chairman of the Constituent National Assembly; Ministerial portfolios, like all the rest of the most important posts, went to clean Republicans.

Thus, the reality exceeded the most bold expectations of the fraction of bourgeois republicans, which has long been considered by the legal heiress of the July monarchy. But this fraction reached the domination not as she dreamed of Louis Philippe - not by the liberal bunut of the bourgeoisie against the throne, but as a result of the rebellion of the proletariat against capital. What seemed to her the most revolutionary event in reality turned out to be the most counter-revolutionary event. The fruit fell to her feet, but he fell from the Tree of knowledge, and not with the Tree of Life.

The exclusive domination of the bourgeois Republicans continued only from June 24 to December 10, 1848. The results of it were reduced to the compilation of the Republican Constitution and the declaration of Paris in the siege.

The new Constitution was essentially no more than the republicanized publication of the Constitutional Charter of 1830. The high electoral qualifications of the July monarchy, who removed from political power, even a significant part of the bourgeoisie itself was incompatible with the existence of the bourgeois republic. The February Revolution immediately proclaimed directly universal eligible law instead. Bourgeois Republicans could not cross this event. They had to be content with the addition of a restrictive point, by virtue of which from the voter required a 6-month accommodation in the terrain where he chooses. Old organization of management, municipalities, courts, army, etc. remained untouched; Some changes made by the Constitution concerned not to the content, but the table of contents, not things, but the titles.

Freedom of personality, press, words, unions, meetings, teaching, conscience, etc. - An indispensable general headquarters of Freight of 1848 - were closed to the constitutional uniform, which made them invulnerable. Each of these freedoms is proclaimed by the unconditional law of a French citizen, but with a constant reservation that it is limitless only to the extent to which it does not limit "equal rights of others and social security" or "laws", which exactly and should mediate this harmony of individual freedoms with each other and with public security. For example: "Citizens have the right to unite into alliances, organize peaceful and naked meetings, submit petitions and express their opinion in print and in any other way. The use of these rights does not know other restrictions, except for equal rights of other and public security. " (Chapter II of the French Constitution, Article 8.) - "Teaching freely. Freedom of teaching can be used on the conditions provided by law and under the Supreme Supervision of the state. " (Ibid., Article 9.) - "The dwelling of each citizen is inviolable. Insensitivity can be violated only in compliance with the forms prescribed by law. " (Chapter II, Article 3.) And so on. - Therefore, the Constitution constantly refers to the future organic laws, which should give a detailed interpretation of these reservations and so settling the use of these unlimited freedoms so that they do not come across each other or public security. In the future, these organic laws were created by the order of the order, and all these freedoms were so settled that the bourgeoisie can use them without meeting any obstacles from equal rights of other classes. Where she completely refused in these freedoms "others" or allowed them to use under conditions, each of which was a police trap, it was always done only in the interests of "public security", i.e. the security of the bourgeoisie, as prescribed by the Constitution. Therefore, subsequently, both parties referred to the Constitution with full right: both friends of the order, which have abolished all these freedoms and democrats who demanded the return of all these freedoms. Each paragraph of the Constitution contains its own opposite in itself, its own upper and lower chamber: freedom - in a common phrase, the abolition of freedom - in the reservation. Therefore, as long as the name of freedom was spent by honor and only put the obstacles to its actual implementation - of course, on the legitimate basis, - until then, the constitutional existence of freedom remained unharmed, inviolable, no matter how much it was destroyed by its existence in everyday reality.

This constitution, made by an inviolable such intense way, had, however, like Achilles, one vulnerable place, only this place was not a height, and the head or, it is better to say, the two heads that the entire building was crowned with: Legislative Assembly, on the one hand, And the president - on the other. It is only necessary to familiarize themselves with the constitution to see that only those articles are definitions are positive, deprived of contradictions, exclude all sorts of false interpretations, which determine the relationship of the president to the Legislative Assembly. Here for the bourgeois Republicans, the matter was about to create a reliable position to themselves. Articles 45 - 70 of the Constitution are so compiled that the National Assembly can eliminate the president by constitutional means, whereas the president can eliminate the National Assembly only unconstitutional means, only eliminating the most constitution. Here, therefore, the Constitution itself calls for its violent destruction. The Constitution is not only, like the Charter of 1830, canniizes the separation of the authorities, but also brings this separation to an unbearable contradiction. The game of constitutional forces, as Gizo called parliamentary gnawing between the legislative and executive power, under the Constitution of 1848 all the time of the Va Bank is being conducted. On the one hand, 750 popular representatives elected by universal voting and the right re-election, form an uncontrolled, not subject to dissolution, indivisible national assembly, which is clothed with unlimited legislative power, finally solves the issues of war, peace and trade agreements, only possesses the right of amnesty and Thanks to the continuity of its meetings, it is constantly on an advance payment. On the other hand, the president with all the attributes of royal authority, with the right to appoint and dismiss its ministers, regardless of the National Assembly, with all the means of the executive authority in his hands, telling all positions and thereby disposing of fate in France at least one and a half million people, as It is such a number of persons materially depends on 500 thousand officials and from officers of all ranks. All armed forces are subordinated to him.

He enjoys the privilege of the pardon of individual criminals, the dissolution of parts of the National Guard and the bias - with the consent of the State Council - elected by the citizens themselves of general, cantonal and municipal councils. He is also provided with pricing and a leading role in concluding all contracts with foreign powers. While the meeting, remaining forever on the stage, becomes the object of everyday public criticism, the president leads the life of life on the Champs Elysees, having, however, before the eyes and in the heart, Article 45 of the Constitution, daily reminiscent of him: "Frere, Il Faut Mourir ! " Your power ends on the fourth year of your election, on the second Sunday of the beautiful month of May! Then the end of your greatness: the second presentation of this play will not be, and if you have a debt, try to pay them on time from the 600 thousand francs appointed to you, if, of course, you do not prefer to go to clichies in the second Monday of the beautiful month of May! - If the Constitution, thus, provides the president to the actual power, it is trying to ensure moral force behind the National Assembly. But, not to mention that moral power cannot be created by paragraphs of the law, the Constitution in this case again refutes itself, prescribing that the President is elected by all the French direct voting. While the votes of the whole of France are broken between 750 members of the National Assembly, in this case they, on the contrary, focus on the same person. While each individual deputy is a representative of only a particular party, one or another city, of one or another item or even simply represents the need to elect one of 750 deputies, when it is not paid to the essence of the case or the very personality of elected, - The President is the elect of the nation, and his elections are a large trump card, powered by the sovereign people every four years. The elective national assembly is associated with a nation of metaphysically, the elected president is associated personally. The National Assembly, however, displays the diverse sides of the National Spirit represented by its individual representatives, but in the president the National Spirit is in the flesh. Compared to the National Assembly, the president is a carrier of a kind of divine law: he is the ruler of people's mercy.

Fetis, the sea goddess, predicted Achilles death in the color of years. The constitution, having, like Achilles, a vulnerable place, like Achilles and premeditated that she was destined to die prematurely. Fetite there was no need to leave the sea to issue this secret to the founders of the republic, clean Republicans; It was worth only to take a glance from the transcendental heights of their ideal republic to sinful land to see that the audacity of royalists, bonapartists, democrats, communists and their own unpopularity grew every day, as they approached the completion of their great legislative work of art. They tried to overcome the fate of the constitutional trick, through article III of the Constitution, by virtue of which any proposal to revise the Constitution is subject to a three-year discussion with a break between these discussions for a whole month and must be made at least three quarters of the vote, and the voting should be in voting at least 500 Members of the National Assembly. But it was only a powerless attempt to ensure the power on that prophetically foresaw the case, when they become a parliamentary minority, - to ensure the power that every day more and more slipped out of their weak hands now, when they have a parliamentary majority and all means government authorities.

Finally, in a special melodramatic paragraph, the Constitution entrusted himself "vigilance and patriotism of the entire French people and every individual Frenchman", after she entered the "vigilant" and "patriotic" French to the "HAUTE" in one of the previous articles. Cour. " Supreme Court.

Such was the Constitution of 1848, which on December 2, 1851 was not scanned not a person's head, but with a touch of one hats; True, this hat was a Napoleonic tri digger.

While the bourgeois Republicans were inflicted in the meeting, discussed and voted this constitution, Kavenik outdoor holding Paris on a siege position. The siege position of Paris was an obstetrician of the Constituent Assembly during his genital flour during the birth of the republic. If the constitution was later sent to that light bayonets, then it is not necessary to forget that the bayonets converted against the people were designed to protect it in the maternal womb and help her appear on the light. The ancestors of the "Compact Republicans" were held with a symbol of the Constitution, a three-color banner, throughout Europe. "Compact Republicans", in turn, made the invention, self-carrying out the road throughout the continent, but with improving love, everything returned to France again until it acquired citizenship rights in half of the French departments. This invention is a siege. Excellent invention, periodically used in each of the crises in each other during the French Revolution. But the barracks and bivouuc, the severity of which thus periodically drove into French society to suppress his consciousness and calm him; Sable and rifle, which was periodically granted to do the court and manage, patronize and subjected to censorship, correct the duties of the police and night guard; Mustache and soldier's uniform, periodically proclaimed by the highest wisdom of society and his mentors, - as they could barracks and bivouuc, saber and rifle, mustache and soldier's uniform, finally, to the conclusion: it is better to save society once forever, proclaiming your own regime dominant and completely Having saved the bourgeois society from concerns of self-government! Barracks and bivouuc, saber and rifle, mustache and soldier's uniforms all the more so had to come to such a thought that they could count in this case for the best fee of chiogan for their more serious merits, whereas with only a periodic siege-and temporary rescue of society By order of the one or another fraction of the bourgeoisie, there was little significant, except for several killed and wounded and a few curves of smiles on the part of the bourgeois. Why not try the army, finally, play a siege position in your own interests and in your own advantage, and at the same time subjected to the siege of the bourgeois wallets? It is not necessary, however, forget, - we note in passing, - that Colonel Bernard, the very chairman of the military commissions, which, with Caveniyak, exiled 15,000 rebels at this moment, at this moment again at the head of military commissions operating in Paris.

If "Competition", clean Republicans, declaring Paris on a siege situation, thereby planted a nursery, in which she subsequently had to grow Pretorians on December 2, 1851, then they belong to another kind of merit: instead of having a national feeling, as they did it With Louis Philippe, now, when the whole force of the nation was at their disposal, they are filled with foreign powers and, instead of freeing it, they allow the Austrians and Neapolitans to enslave her again. The election of Louis Bonaparte to the presidents on December 10, 1848 laid the end of the dictatorship of Cavenyak and the Constituent Assembly.

Article 44 of the Constitution states: "The President of the French Republic cannot be the one who ever lost its title of French citizen." The first president of the French Republic, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, not only lost his rank of French citizen, not only was a special contest in England - he was also a naturalized Swiss.

On the meaning of elections on December 10, I spoke in detail in another place. Here I will not return to it. It is enough to notice that they represented the reaction of the peasants who had to bear the costs of the February Revolution, against other classes of the nation, the village reaction against the city. They met a big sympathy in the army, which the Republicans from National did not deliver no fame nor the gain to complain, among the major bourgeoisie, who greeted the Bonaparte as a transitional step towards the monarchy, among the proletarians and minor bourgeois, who welcomed it as a kara for Cavenius. Below I will have a case more detailed for the peasants to the French Revolution.

The period of December 20, 1848 to the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in May 1849 covers the history of the death of bourgeois Republicans. After they founded the republic for the bourgeoisie, the revolutionary proletariat was driven from the Arena and at a time shuddered by the mouth of a democratic petty bourgeoisie, they themselves were removed by the mass of the bourgeoisie, which fully seen this republic as its property. But this bourgeois mass was a royalist. One part of it is large land owners - dominated during the restoration and therefore was a legitimist. Another part is financial aces and large industrialists - dominated the July monarchy and was therefore orleanist. The highest ranks of the army, university, churches, lawyers, academy and presses were distributed, albeit in various proportions, between those and others. Both of these parts of the bourgeoisie were found here in the bourgeois republic, who did not carry the name of Bourbon, nor the name of Orleans, but the name of the capital, the state form at which they could dominate together. The June uprising has already united them in the "Party of Procedure". It is time to eliminate the clique of bourgeois republicans who still held the position in the National Assembly. As far as brutally, these clean Republicans were abused by physical strength towards the people, so cowardly, timid, unwell, helpless, who were incapable to the struggle were now, retreating when they had to defend their republicanism and their rights of lawmakers against the executive and royalists. I do not need to tell me a shameful story of their decomposition. It was a disappearance, not death. They have fallen their role forever. In the next period, they appear in the meeting and outside it only as the shadow of the past - the shadows that seem to revive again as soon as the case is again about the name of the republic and as soon as the revolutionary conflict threatens to fall to the lowest level. I note in a passing that the newspaper National, which gave this party his name, in the next period passes towards socialism.

...

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LIBMONSTER ID: RU-10392

Among the great creations created by the genius of Marx, an outstanding place occupies the immortal pamphlet - "The Eighteenth Louis Louis Bonaparte". This book, spoke Wilhelm Liebknecht, "will read and in thousands of years" 1.

It has not yet had time to szood the echoes of the shots, which the pathetic carrier of the loud name Bonaparte announced his coming to power and the burial of the French revolution, as the Marx pamphlet appeared, which gave an unsurpassed in depth and strength analysis of the December events of 1851.

The state coup on December 2, 1851, which caused panic in the ranks of the petty-bourgeois democracy, seemed to occur completely unexpectedly. No one could explain, due to the reasons, Louis Bonaparte was made possible.

The pamphlet of Viktor Hugo "Napoleon Small" appeared in 1852 was full, as Marx notes, caustic and witty personal attacks on the "responsible publisher of the state coup", but the most event "is depicted from him, like a thunder from a clear sky. He sees in it only Forced acting of one individual. He does not notice that he exalted this individual, instead of diminishing it, attributing him unparalleled in the world history of personal initiative "2.

French petty-bourgeois emigration in London, Brussels and other European and overseas cities poured their indignation in the sonorous, spectacular phrases and cursed the "monster", lost in attempts to explain what happened. Louis Blanc printed in the English newspaper "Daily News" articles full of high-profile words to which he was a master. "The French people are noble pride - indomitable courage - eternal love for freedom." Slava defeated courage "3," the content of these articles in one of his letters to Marx. But the question of why a catastrophe occurred, Louis Blani could not answer.

Another prominent politician, Felix Pia, did not come up with anything better than the composition of the play with melodramatic scenes of the expulsion of the Democrats, references, etc. "Is it possible to lower in the disasters of your country? - Marx wrote with indignation. - And this donkey wrote This considers this prostumnization of French misfortune by the patriotic act "4.

The pond, in contrast to others, tried to find the historical roots of events in his book. But, not distinguishing the clear classes of French society and their struggle, Proudhon limited himself to establishing the elementary causal connection of events. His work has turned, as Marks pointed out, in the "historical apology" Louis Bonaparte.

Political figures and scientists of Europe were unable to penetrate into the meaning of French events when these events broke out, nor even many years later. Only Marx spoke immediately after the coup of Louis Bonaparte with a brief, compressed work, which explained the "Miracle" 2 december and showed his hero in the true light. This hero is depicted here in its natural, unsuccessful form, without that halo of glory, which surrounded his minute success "5," Engels wrote. Therefore, the Engels could declare in the foreword for the third edition of "Eighteenth Brother": "Such an excellent understanding of the living history of the day, such clear penetration into the meaning of events at the very moment when they occurred, truly unparably" 6.

The idea of \u200b\u200bwriting the "Eighteenth Brother" was filed by Marx Engels. On December 16, 1851, he received from Chicago from I. Weide from Chicago

1 "Memories of Mark", p. 89. M. 1940.

2 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 249 - 250. Mimitizdat. 1940.

3 K. Marx to F. Engels. Op. T. XXI, p. 311.

4 ibid, p. 345 - 346.

5 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. XIII. Part 1, p. 319.

6 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 251.

p. 10.

meyer writing with a request to send the material for the revolutionary newspaper organized by him, "... people crave analysis and orientations about French history, - Engels reported on the same evening by Marx, - and if you could say something particularly interesting about Situations, then this could ensure the success of the enterprise, starting from the first number "1 .

Engels offered Marx to write such an article.

Marx agreed and on the same day (on 17 or 18 or December 18) began to work. Initially, Marx assumed to confine themselves to one article of a small volume and in a letter to Weidemeer from December 19 promised to send it on December 23.

However, during the work, the volume of the article has increased significantly. At the end of December or in early January, Marx sent to Weidemeer the first article for which the continuation should have followed. About 8 January was completed and sent the second chapter, January 30 - Third, February 13 - the fourth. "In the process of work, the thing is growing everything," Marx Weidemeer wrote, "and you will receive two more articles on this topic" 2.

In the future, Marx decided to write a seventh chapter. On February 27, he sent to Weidemeer the fifth chapter, in early March - sixth, March 25 - the seventh. Work on the "eighteenth brother" demanded from Marx, thus, over three months.

In hard conditions I had to work Marx. In almost just January, he was seriously ill and continued to work in bed. Marx did not have any permanent earnings and really needed. In February, the need has become even more aggravated. To buy products, he had to lay a coat, and he could not attend the library I generally leave the house. But despite all this, Marx worked tirelessly.

In March, the work was completed.

Publishing it turned out to be very difficult. The released Weidemeir edition of the weekly newspaper "Die Revolution" failed. Already in the second issue, the newspaper ceased to exist, did not have time to publish the "Eighteenth Brother". Then Weidemeyer decided to produce non-periodic collections under the former title and place the work of Marx in the first issue. However, the Edition I. this collection was not easy due to the lack of funds. Marx was unsuccessfully tried to organize the printing of the "eighteenth brother" in America in English translation, Lito in London in German, English or French.

Only at the end of April, Weidemayer managed to collect money with the greatest difficulty for edition of the first collection, in which Marx manuscript was supposed to be published. One German worker, tailor from Frankfurt (Weidemeyer, unfortunately, does not inform his names), donated for this purpose all its savings in the amount of $ 40. Another German emigrant, a communist A. Kluss, also invested in the publication of the "eighteenth brother" in the edition of the "eighteenth brother". As a result, in May 1852, the work of Marx saw, finally, light.

In America, her distribution took over the club, Weidemeyer and other friends of Marx. Part of the circulation was sent to Europe, but Marx could not redeem the parcel in London customs for a long time, since it was necessary to pay 10 shillings in 9 pence for shipment. When these copies were finally obtained, Marx did not have means for sending them to Germany. In addition, the Prussian police probably would try to confiscate the work signed by him. Engels and then came to the rescue of Marx and at the expense of the company "Ermen and Engels", in which he worked, bought out the remaining copies of the books intended for distribution in Germany.

Marx tried to organize the reissue of the "eighteenth brother" in Germany, but unsuccessfully. The bookmakers rejected the proposal to reprint, since already "one name (Marx) is enough to bring all kinds of trouble on his head" 3.

Book published Vigand, to which Marx offered to fare of the "eighteenth brother" at least for nothing, without paying the author's fee, answered with a gross refusal. Lafarg wrote with anger afterwards about this time: "... against him personally and against his work was a conspiracy of silence. Absolutely ignored his" 18 Brother ", the work proving that from all historians and public figures of 1848 he was one of the reason to understand the reasons And to predict the consequences of the state coup on December 2, 1851. Not a single bourgeois newspaper mentioned this work, despite the fact that it was a direct response to the evil day "4.

1 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. XXI, p. 311.

2 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. XXV, p. 130.

3 See Carl Marx "Dates of Life and Activity", p. 120. Partition. 1934.

4 "Memories of Marx", p. 67.

p. 11.

Only 17 years later, in 1869, Marx managed to implement the second edition of the "eighteenth brother".

With great difficulties, the publication of a book in foreign languages \u200b\u200bwas also associated.

Back in September 1852, Marx led. Negotiations with one London Publisher about the publication "Eighteenth Brother" in english translation. Marks friend, German communist Pipe, translated I head book. At the request of Marx Engels, then excellently owned by English, edited this translation. However, the attempt of the publication was not crowned with success. Incidentally did not matter the results of the negotiations of Marx with E. Jones about the publication of the "eighteenth brother" in "People" s paper. "The brilliant work of Marx for almost half a century did not see light in European languages, except for the two German publications and the third edition published in 1885. The first edition of the "eighteenth brother" in English) translation appeared only in 1898 in New York, the second - a year later in London.

French translation was taken at the beginning of the 80s by Forten. Engels edited it after the death of Marx, in 1885 - 1886, but then did not have the opportunity to finish this work due to the fact that it was extremely loaded by the work on "capital".

In French translation, "Eighteenth Brother" was first printed only in 1891 in the magazine "Le Socialiste". In 1892, this work was published by a separate publication. In 1896, after the death of Engels, Italian translation came out.

It is interesting to note that English translations preceded by English, and Italian translations. Already in 1894, the Russian edition of the "Eighteenth Brother" was published in Geneva. In 1905 - 1906, this work of Marx appeared almost simultaneously in four Russian publications: in Geneva (Kuklin), Moscow ("Bell") and St. Petersburg ("Hammer" and the publication of Lvovich).

The bourgeois press tried to surround the "eighteenth brother" plot of silence. Small-bourgeois politicians met cries of indignation and a muddy flow slander a bold book showing events in their true light. But the proletariat and his ideological leaders rated the work of Marx according to merit. Communist I. Weidemeyer, who published the "eighteenth Brother" in America, wrote in the preface to this work of Marx: "The more importantly the role that fell out to France in the European Revolution, the more importantly the correct image. Only with this image can be exposed only. Those heartbreaking characters who humble themselves before all the world deceived in their expectations of the leaders of a petty-bourgeois democracy ... Even the opponents of Marx cannot deny that Marx and the originality of their views - and they are the result of a deep and comprehensive study - 2 according to the classical clarity of the language stands immeasurably above all this heap of political writers "1.

Shortly after entering the light "Eighteenth Brother" Marx received a letter from a seven Hungarian revolutionary figure with an enthusiastic review, about the book. In December 1852, the English Workshop "People" s paper "dedicated two numbers to the work of Marx." Truly remarkable the fact, - the first article says, - that all the French writers who told the world about the last coup d "Etat and which, like It could be assumed, should have the best information not only about the progress of events, but also about the causes of these events, failed in their attempts to explain these reasons, meanwhile, as a German writer, who is only an observer who followed the development of events in France, gave not Only the first, in and the only scientific presentation of the history of the Bonapartist coup. The secret of the success of the author lies in his belonging to the party, which, however, was not directly drawn into the struggle, but which, by virtue of the conditions, by virtue of its increasing and eradication, in The strength of its future will, in the end, the main arbiter in all clashes; parties, defeats and victories of which form the true history of recent events in About France "2.

"... it was a brilliant work" 3, a magnificent sample application of the Marxist theory, wrote Engels about the "Eighteenth Brother".

Extremely highly appreciated the meaning of the "eighteenth brother" and Lenin, repeatedly referring to this work of Marx.

What is the rays of this extraordinary success of the work of Marx? It is that Marx managed in this book not only to penetrate deeply, like no one, in the authentic meaning of events in France, but also to extract ingenious conclusions from their analysis for international proletariat. Brilliant application

1 "DIE REVOLUTION" N 1 - 2. 1852. NEW-YORK.

2 "People" S Paper ", 11 / xii 1852.

3 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 251.

p. 12.

the method of dialectical materialism to the analysis of social development, excellent knowledge of history allowed Marx to create this wonderful work.

To the in-depth study of history, especially the history of France, Marx started at university years. The intensive interest of Marx to the history of France had deep grounds. "France," indicates Engels in the preface to the third German edition of "Eighteenth Brother", - there is a country in which the historical struggle of classes is more than in other countries, it reached each time to a strong end ... and the struggle of the head of the proletariat against the dominant bourgeoisie It acts here in such an acute form, which is unknown to other countries. This explains why Marx with a special "preference not only studied last history of France, but also watched its current history in all details, collecting material for use in the future. Events Therefore, they never found him surprise "1.

To study the history of France Marx began in Creitsna in 1843. His notebooks of this period have been preserved, allowing you to install the cooling of the Marx reading. In a short time - several months - he read and marked dozens of fundamental work on the history of France. Among the three-volume "History of France" Gainrich, a two-volume "History of the last fifty years" Ludwig, a three-volume "History of France" Lacrettell, the two-volume Bayel work about the posthumous essay de Stelle, "Spirit of Laws" Montesquieu, "Public Agreement" Rousseau, "History of France" Schmidt, Two Books Shatubrian, Lanchitzolle's work about the July days, a two-volume "History of France" Vaxmut, the work of Jofru on Hereditary Pedia, "On the State" of Makiavelli, "Historical and Political Journal" L. Rank. Special attention of Marx attracted questions of the political history of France and its state unit. So, by aspecting the work of Lanchitzolle, Marx emphasized the problem of the centralization of state power and the idea that Parliament is only fictitiously a representative of the people. In Paris, Marx in 1844 - 1845 reads and outlines the book by E. Bure "On the poverty of the working classes in England and in France" and four-volume memoirs of Levasters. In 1845 - 1847, in Brussels, the French history continues in Brussels. It collects the extensive material in the following years, having visited in the spring of 1848 and in the summer of 1849.

In the works of Marx, related to the 40s, we find many provisions and individual thoughts developed by him subsequently in the "Eighteenth Brother".

So, to work "to criticism of the Gegelian Philosophy of Law" (1843) contains a place closely adjacent to the initial lines of the "eighteenth brother". Marx writes: "Modern Ancien Regime - Rather, only the comedian of the world order, the actual heroes of which are extinct. The story works thoroughly and passes through a plurality of phases when he carries an obsolete form of life in the grave. The last phase of the world-historical form is its comedy." 2.

Exceptional interest is of the sketch of Marx, entitled "Civil society and the Communist revolution. The further development of certain provisions scheduled for this sketch is given by Marx in the "German ideology", "moralizing criticism and criticizing morality" and, finally, in the "Manifesto Communist Party".

Revolutionary years (1848 - 1851) allowed Marx and Engels to enrich the theory of scientific communism with a huge new experience. Of particular importance was the experience of the French revolution for Marx. In the New Rhine newspaper, he systematically covers events in France, summarizes the experience of the revolutionary struggle, extracts the most important lessons for the German and international proletariat and the European democratic movement.

Already in one of the first articles dedicated to the June uprising of the Paris Workers, Marx raises the most important question about the tasks of the revolution in relation to the state authority. "None of the countless revolutions of the French bourgeoisie, since 1789, writes Marx, was not an attempt by an order of magnitude, since they all left in immunity class domination, slavery workers and bourgeois procedure, no matter how often the political form of this domination And this slavery "3.

In November 1848, Marx publishes in the "New Rhine Newspaper" Paris "Reforme" about the situation in Far-

1 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 251.

2 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. I, p. 389.

3 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. VI, p. 199.

p. 13.

", containing a deep analysis of the ratio of class forces in France and the intelligence position of small-bourgeois democrats. With brilliant turns, Marx reveals the brewing turn in the politics of the French bourgeoisie - turn to royalism. Not a month, as the election of Louis Bonaparte, the president has become a fact. Marx dedicated to this election A brilliant article in which he compares Louis Bonaparte with street charlatan, promising to show the audience extraordinary focuses and gathering a few Soo in advance in their sauce.

In the New Year article "Revolutionary Movement", Marx proves that "the defeat of the revolutionary French working class had its inevitable consequence the defeat of the Republican French bourgeoisie, which has just caused the work class" 1. Marx's ultimate clarity appreciated the international significance of the June lesion of the Paris proletariat and pointed out the inevitable consequences of events in France for the fate of the European revolution.

A month later, Marx predicts the possibility of a coup in France in France. "The monarchical restoration or the Red Republic is such now the only alternative in France" 2.

Already in 1850, Marx turned a gigantic theoretical work to summarize the revolutionary biennium. The fruits of this work were published in six issues of the "political and economic review of the New Rhine Newspaper". In March-April, the first three issues containing the wonderful work of Marx - "Class struggle in France from 1848 to 1850," which According to Engels's testimony, was "the first attempt by Marx based on his materialistic understanding to explain a certain bandwidth, based on this economic situation" 3.

In the "Class Fighting", Marx sumford the results of the previous many years of studying the history of France and nominated in general terms the scheme of the history of the French Revolution, which was completed reflected in the "Eighteenth Brother". "Compare," says Engels, "this is the second statement written in the light of the decisive events done in the light after a year, with the first statement, you will make sure that the author had to change only very little" 4. Indeed, the basis of his thoughts and the presentation of events in these two works coincide. But between them there is a significant difference. First, in the "class struggle" the presentation could be brought only until March 10, 1850, while the "eighteenth brother" covers the events of the last two years, until February 1852. Secondly, Marx clarifies the periodization of the entire history of the French revolution in the Eighteenth Brother, which is even more clearly determined by the internal content of each period. Thirdly, - and this is especially important - Marx highlights the wonderful and depth of scientific generalizations in the Eighteenth Brother. The whole history of France from February 1848, such a rich event, Marx developed here again.

In the subsequent issues of "Ferris" of the New Rhine Newspaper ", Marx subjected to the consideration of an event deployed in France during 1850, after the release of the" class struggle in France ". Earlier than anyone else, he solved the secret plans Louis Bonaparte to revealed Internal logic of events foreshadowing a coup.

In the third international review (November 1850), Marx wrote: "In its struggle against the people, the party of order is forced to constantly increase the strength of the executive power. Any strengthening of the executive power strengthens its representative - Bonaparte. Therefore, every step that is taking a party of order to strengthen its general power. , Strengthens the battle of Bonaparte with his dynastic claims, increases its chances - at a certain moment to prevent constitutional junction at a certain moment. Then Bonaparte in his struggle with the party of order will not stop before the disorder from the foundations of the Constitution ... In all the probabilities, he would even appeal against the meeting. to universal electoral law "5.

These words of Marx once again testify to the ingenious strength of his foresight.

During 1851, Marx engaged in an in-depth study political economy. However, he continued to monitor the course of events in France with the greatest attention, collected materials related to social movement in France. From conversations with French democrats who visited London, he received detailed information about the situation in the faction.

1 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. VII, p. 102 - 103.

2 ibid, p. 107.

3 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 138.

4 there, p. 140.

5 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. VIII, p. 251 - 252.

p. 14.

In February 1851, Marx met with a French Democrat, a member of the June events of 1849, Testa de MEE; In February 1852, Marx visited the group of French revolutionary figures: Massal, Walter, Bianki, Sabati, - informed Marx about the situation in France.

In addition, Marx conducted a correspondence with some friends who lived in France, and, in particular, with a German emigrant in Paris, Richard Reungardt (secretary of Heinrich Heine), whom he called one of his "best and smartest friends" 1.

Of great importance when working on the "Eighteenth Brother" had a letter and work of Engels for Marx. Already on December 3, the next day after the state coup in France, Engels sent a letter to Marx, in which he shared his thoughts about events in Paris with him: "... it seems that the story is actually (leading old hegel from the coffin as" The world spirit, "With the greatest good faith, forcing all events to repeat twice, once - as a great tragedy, and the second time - as a miserable farce. Cosatier instead of Danton, Louis Blanc instead of Robespiera, Bartelp instead of Saint-Just, Flox instead of carno and salmon A dozen lutentants burdened by the debts instead of a small cap and his knightly marshals "2.

The introductory words "Eighteenth Brother" are undoubtedly inspired by this letter Engels. In letters from December 10 and 11, Engels dissellites the issue of the reasons for the relative passivity of the Paris workers in the days of the December events. In February 1852, Engels published a special article on this topic in Notes to the People. Having analyzed in the VII chapter "Eighteenth Brother" the question of why the Paris proletariat did not rebel after December 2, Marx supports and develops Engels's argument given to them in the letters mentioned and article.

In full-time from the letters from March 1852, Engels makes little demagogic statements by Louis Bonaparte, who announced any of his own "socialist" event. "The same old story! - wrote Engels. - Post reform \u003d Socialism! Rente conversion \u003d Socialism! Free trade \u003d Socialism!" 3.

This thought of Engels also reflected in the VII chapter "Eighteenth Brother". Work on the "Eighteenth Brother", as well as work on all other works that came out from under the feather of the founders of scientific communism is a vivid example of their creative cooperation.

As mentioned above, the "eighteenth brother" disintegrates to seven small chapters. All this essay is written amazingly slim, is imbued with iron logic and represents, as well as "capital", an artistic integer.

With striking skill, Marx traces a single thread of historical development in the whirlpool of events, among the kaleidoscope of faces, bizarre, motley fabric of living history. From a thorough, scrupulously accurate analysis of individual facts, speeches, voting, laws, it proceeds to the deepest theoretical generalizations developing the science of revolution.

Showing how often people mistakenly take their own illusions for displaying actual history, Marx perfectly determines the objective role of these illusions and errors and their impact on the development of historical events.

Images of classical literature, mythology, living historical examples generously scattered on the pages of this extraordinary book. Widely drawing from the treasury of human culture, Marx created a brilliant image and brightness of the historical canvas.

In this work, wrote Wilhelm Liebknecht, "Style becomes Stilus, then-There is something that he is in the hands of the Romans - a sharp steel blade that writes and rolling. Style - Dagger, without a mischief striking right in the heart" 4.

The first chapter Marx begins with the analysis of the place that the revolution of 1848 - 1849 in the history of the revolutionary movement in France. Marx points out that despite its external similarity with previous revolutions, it lies a kind of imprint. This originality gave her an independent performance of the Paris proletariat. It was the proletariat, "who won the republic with a weapon in his hands, imposed his stamp on it and proclaimed it with its social republic." 5 It was he who answered the provocations of the bourgeoisie by the June uprising, "this is the grand event)

1 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. XXV, p. 134.

2 K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. T. XXI, p. 303.

3 ibid, p. 343.

4 "Memories" about Marx ", p. 87.

5 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 258.

p. 15.

in the history of European Civil Warrior "1 . True, the proletariat suffered a defeat, but he retreated with honor. The bourgeoisie, who achieved the defeat of the proletariat, tried to strengthen the regime of the bourgeois republic. But, devoid of allies and torn to the warring factions, she could not interfere with the conspirators led by Louis Bonaparte to seize the state power on December 2, 1851. Republican freedoms were eliminated - and in France, Military Dictatorship regime.

It should not, however, think, indicates Marx that the revolutionary years were given in vain: "During 1848 - 1851, the French society sold on the abbreviated, i.e., the revolutionary, method of lessons and experience, which, with the right, so to speak, The course of development would have to precede the February Revolution to make it something more serious than a simple shake of the surface "2. The task is to explore this experience, take into account these lessons. "... The proletarian revolutions, what are the revolution of the XIX century, constantly criticize themselves, they also stop on the go, return to what it seems already done, then to start this Syznov again ..." 3, - Marx notes .

The proletariat must subjected to a bold I am a fearless criticism and self-criticism of the path passed to them in order to learn in this critical work new forces for a successful continuation of the struggle for a victorious movement forward.

Small-bourgeois democrats The fall of the monarchy Louis-Philippe in February 1848 seemed to be the beginning of a new era. But seeing how a step by step in the people take his revolutionary conquests, they expected a miracle of May 2, 1852 - a day, when the authority of Louis Bonaparte and he should have changed a new president. A coup on December 2, 1851 was perceived by them as a terrible dream as obscene. "Weakness, as always, flew faith in miracles" 4, "Marx notes sarcastically. The proletariat does not need self-deception and self-priority. He must know how and why was this outcome of the revolution possible.

But to give a scientific response to this question, it was necessary to research and evaluate the entire prior course of events, it was necessary to consider at least in general terms, the history of the French revolution of 1848. And Marx starts to compressed its presentation, starting from the first day of revolution, the day of the overthrow of Louis-Philip.

Marx divides the entire history of the revolution in three major periods: 1) "February period", or "Prologue of the Revolution", - from February 24 to May 4, 1848; 2) the period of the institution of the republic, or the Constituent National Assembly - dated May 4, 1848 to May 29, 1849; 3) The period of the Constitutional Republic, or the Legislative National Assembly, - from May 29, 1849 to December 2, 1851.

The February Revolution period was a period when class contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie still did not have time to appear. The proletariat was still in the power of revolutionary illusions and believed in the possibility of creating a "social republic" by a peaceful way, without encroaching on the bourgeois public order. A large monarchical bourgeoisie has not yet managed to recover after the February storm. But soon she came to his senses and began to group around himself a small bourgeoisie of the city and the village, using its credibility and political immaturity.

The second period - dated May 4, 1848 to May 29, 1849 - Marx divides into three stages. The first of them - dated May 4 to June 25, 1848 is the period of the establishment of the bourgeois republic. It begins the opening of the National Assembly, which was "a live protest against the claims of February days and should reduce the results of the revolution to the bourgeois level" 5. Bourgeoisie, having recovered after confusion and feeling real strength, goes to the offensive for the proletariat. The proletariat is forced to defend. Three-day street bays in Paris are completed by the victory of the bourgeoisie. "Since this defeat, the proletariat goes to the rear plan of the revolutionary scene" 6.

The second chapter "Eighteenth Brother" opens with the analysis of the second and third stages of the revolution: dated June 25 to December 10, 1848 and from December 10, 1848 to May 29, 1849. The history of the Constituent Assembly since June Day is, according to Marx, "the history of domination and decomposition of the republican fraction of the bourgeoisie ..." 7.

The bourgeois Republicans defended the Louis Philip Monarchy's time a number of progressive requirements. But they were alien to the revolutionary way of struggle and not

1 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 259.

2 ibid, p. 256.

3 ibid.

4 ibid, p. 257.

5 ibid, p. 259.

6 is there.

7 Like, p. 261.

p. 16.

we wanted to admit an independent speech by the democratic masses of the people. As soon as they received most places in the constituent meeting, they removed from the government of the socialists, and then the petty-bourgeois democrats. His political domination bourgeois Republicans have not achieved a "liberal rebellion" against the monarchy, but as a result of suppression with the help of the military force of the uprising of the proletariat. By focusing in his hands the power, they legally secured her by working out the Constitution of the French Republic, in which freedoms were furnished with such a number of reservations and notes, which was lost almost any real meaning. In addition, the old, the state car remained during the monarchy remained essentially untouched.

The most important thing was that the actual inequality of citizens was preserved and perpetuated, since the human exploitation was left by the capitalist over the workers. No constitution could not, of course, eliminate the inequality. To eliminate it, we needed a social revolution and the socialization of the means of production.

In an effort to consolidate the antidemocratic, bourgeois-parliamentary solutions in the country, Republicans brought to the extreme limits of the "separation of the authorities" and endowed the president with all the completeness of the executive. In his hands, the administrative apparatus and army was focused. By providing the president of such broad powers, the bourgeois Republicans were calculated, undoubtedly, to hold this post in their hands and nominated the candidacy of General Cavenyak, "distinguished" during the suppression of the June uprising of the proletariat. But the calculations of the bourgeois republicans were false. A large bourgeoisie was in the regime of the republic and walked through the monarchy. Louis's claims of Louis Bonaparte to the French throne were not for Lee Mystery, and she supported the candidacy of Louis Bonaparte. The army, dissatisfied with the calculating and nimble housing of the bourgeois republicans and dried by dreams of military glory, also spoke on the side of Louis Bonaparte. Dark peasants, complete distrust and hostility to the city, in which they saw only the source of shavers, oppressions and cable, in protest against the regime of the bourgeois republic voted the Louis Bonaparte, the demagogically portrayed "peasant friend". And even a part of the workers and urban petty bourgeoisie to express their hatred for Cavenik, gave their voices to his opponent - Loua Bonaparta.

The constitutional regime created by the bourgeois republicans for the perpetuation of their own domination, served as the soil on which the forces grew up, filling the death of the Republicans. "Bodybuilding the republic for the bourgeoisie, to drive a revolutionary proletariat from the battlefield and holding his mouth with a democratic petty bourgeoisie, they themselves were removed The bourgeoisie, which fully seen this republic as its property "1. The common platform of a major bourgeoisie was the requirement of such a political" order ", which would ensure the undivided power of the capital. Republicans did not inspire confidence in the monarchist major bourgeoisie; she did not trust the constituent assembly. For half a year, step by step, the bourgeois Republicans lost their political positions and went to meet their own death.

The third and last period of the history of the French Revolution - dated May 29, 1849 to December 2, 1851 - Marx determines as a period of "constitutional, search for parliamentary, republic" 2. Marx dismembers him, as well as the previous period, for three main stages. The first of them hugs a short, but full of significant events of the period of time from 29 small until June 13, 1849; The second - takes almost a whole year - from June 13, 1849 to May 31, 1850; Finally, the last - covers events from May 1850 to December 2, 1851. The third chapter "Eighteenth Brother" is devoted to the analysis of the June events of 1849, i.e., the first stage of the specified period of the history of the revolution. On May 29, 1849, the legislative assembly elected on the basis of the Constitution of 1848 began its work. A major bourgeoisie managed to hold his own gender, representatives of the monarchical "party of order" in its composition. This party has now concentrated in his hands government power and military command.

But in the glands of the party, there was no complete unanimity. One part of it was for the restoration of the bourbon dynasty,

1 Karl Marx "Selected Works". T. II, p. 268 - 269.

2 ibid, p. 272.

page 17.

another - for the restoration of Orleans. This difference was based on economic reasons. Large landowners remembered that the power of Bourbon is the power of the feudal nobility and the church. Bankers, speculators, first rank breeders were, on the contrary, are more attached to the house of Orleans, as they knew that the July monarchy was, as Marx points out, "only a political expression! The usurper power of bourgeois rushing" 1. However, despite the mutual struggle of these two fractions, they were united by deep common interests - the interests of the entire mass of the owners, the interests of the protection and hardening of the regime of the domination of the bourgeoisie. Material interests here, as always, turned out to be stronger than illusions, feelings, old memories and hopes.

The bourgeoisie, which put the revolutionary proletariat in June 1848, decided to end it now and with a democratic petty bourgeoisie. The unarmed demonstration of the National Guard was scattered by the troops. Mountain - a party of democratic petty bourgeoisie - was broken. Loud revolutionary phrases of the Democrats were empty threats. Fully revealed weakness, impotence of small-scale democracy, its inability to independent political struggle.

The revolution moved on the downlink, in contrast to the revolution 1789 - 1794. The Democratic Party relied on the support of the bourgeois Republicans. But "the bourgeois republicans did not have time to feel firmly on the lots, as they dummble from themselves, they rush to rely on the shoulders of the party order. The party of order does damages, overturns the bourgeois Republicans and herself becomes on the shoulders of the armed forces. She still continues to think that It creates the latter on the shoulders when she puts one beautiful morning that these shoulders turned into a bayonets ... "2.

The fourth chapter of the Marx is devoted to the second stage of the history of the revolution during the period of the rule of the Legislative Assembly - from June 13, 1849 to May 31, 1850.

During this period, the power of the president with his police and the army of officials increases. The wide layers of the bourgeoisie presented in the meeting are gradually pushed out of the direct leadership of the country's political life. Party of order, instead of appealing to the people against the executive authorities, implements the program of the hated people of legislative projects such as tax on wine, reaction law on schools, etc.

Louis Bonaparte prudently separated himself from the reactionary assembly and gloatingly emphasized each anti-people step, seeking to show that he himself allegedly adheres to a different political course aimed at supporting the "simple people". He put the bait inscribed invented by him: loan bank "for workers", the increase of a complaint of non-officers, etc.

The folk anger against the folk reaction was intensified. At the additional elections to the meeting in March 1850, left candidates supported by the people were held. These signs of the revival of people's activity pushed the party of order to the unheard of step: she deprived the proletariat of election rights (May 31, 1850). Bonaparte managed and here to stay in the shade. Political responsibility for the law on May 31, the party of order was carried out in front of public opinion. Her prestige, the prestige of the parliamentary regime, quickly fell, and at the same time they grew the chances of Louis Bonaparte, his calculations grew on a personal dictatorship.

The final stage of the political history of the French revolution right up to the state coup on December 2, 1851, Marx dismembers four small segments of time: May 1850 - January 1851, January - April, April - October, October - December.

The fifth chapter "Eighteenth Brother" is devoted to the description of the first year that followed the abolition of universal election law. A characteristic feature of this year is to expand and exacerbate the struggle between the meeting and the president. While the Camp of the order of the order was weakened by the inner junction, Louis Bonaparte actively organized his strength. With the help of the gangs of the passing, eating his handlers, he created the notorious "Society on December 10," who united in his ranks, according to Marx, the Slump, scale all classes, garbage designed to "depict the people". Forced after a number of scandalous exposures formally dissolve this sales gang, Louis Bonaparte actually retained her as his "private army." With double energy, he deployed a shameless campaign aimed at submission to him the army. Flewing and sedative speeches and messages to the National Assembly, bribing soldiers and officers by sausage and wine, calls for "calm" and financial scams - all means he went into move.

Gray in the National Assembly aroused the growth of discontent of the extra-parliamentary circles of the bourgeoisie by the existing political regime. The bourgeoisie was in the uncertainty of the political situation in the country and for the "solid power".

Then, for Louis Bonaparte, it's time to act. He deftly uses the winning trump card-slogan restoration of universal election law, a battery of the party. An irritated deputies take the "law on responsibility", threatening the Caras to the President in case of violation of the Constitution. On the night of December 2, Louis Bonaparte puts the troops on the squares, arrests the prominent deputies, the party figures of the order and "enters the Tuilriac Palace as" Savior Society "1.

The last chapter "Eighteenth Brother" is devoted to the analysis of events 1848 - 1851 and the most important historical and theoretical conclusions made by Marx based on this analysis.

Marx starts chapter with an assessment of the position of the main classes of the French society. He explains why the proletariat did not rebel after December 2: his forces were exhausted by June defeat; He did not have good leaders and did not believe the petty-bourgeois democracy, more than once he had changed him. The most important reason for the passivity of the proletariat was that he, in essence, there was nothing to protect, since the National Assembly's anti-Russian assembly was revealed for a long time with full clarity. It turned on with his own hands to the Constitution of 1848 in a piece of paper and paved Louis Bonaparte to power.

The peasantry did not immediately recognize the true nature of Bonapartism and spoke on the side of the Bonaparte, who skillfully used the backwardness, the darkness of the peasants, their prejudices, their naive faith due to the name of Bonaparte, their hopes for the preservation of his land block.

Despite the satellite sympathy of the peasantry Bonaparte led and could not not lead the same policy in the village as his predecessors, ruin policies, enslavement, police and financial cable.

The class base of the Louis Lui Gonapartment is the domination of the bourgeoisie. His social task-protection of this domination, comprehensive protection of the interests of the bourgeoisie. In this sense, the regime on December 2 is no different and from the constitutional regime preceding him. People are, however, the methods of the domination of Bonaparte. Their base, on the one hand, - open dictatorship Sabli and bayonet, on the other, - unrestrained, disassembled social demagogy. Bonaparte flies alternately with different classes, trying to arrange them with small handouts, with the agility of the magician removing all the new and new unexpected "benefits" from his pocket. He "I would like to play the role of the patriarchal benefactor of all classes ... He would like to steal all France to give her France or, or rather, to buy later France into French money ..." 2. Bonaparte planted the atmosphere of sales, bribery and treasures in the highest government spheres.

It was in this book that Marx showed that the task of the proletariat is not to take into their hands and improve the previous state machine, but to break it, break and build on its place new state authorities - the dictatorship authorities of the working class. It was here that he expressed a brilliant idea that the peasants should see their "natural ally and the leader in the urban proletariat, designed to express the bourgeois procedure" 3.

The great continuer of the case of Marx, Lenin in the struggle for the triumph of the ideas of communism more than once applied to the "eighteenth brother" Marx, drawing new and new deepest thoughts in it. Already in 1898, Lenin referred to the "Eighteenth Brother" in the fight against populism and tribalism, proving the connection between the bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie. In 1899, in the "Development of Capitalism in Russia" and "Project of our Party's program", he brought the words of Marx from the "Eighteenth Brother" about fragmentation and internally contradictory position of the peasantry during capitalism. In 1901-1902 in "What to do?" Lenin, Bichuya "Economists", who played the slogan "Sturm", reminded Tkachev's calls to the "Nabatu Bell" and noted that the story is repeated and the fact that the tragedy becomes Farca, a pitiful caricature. In 1904, speaking at the second congress of the program on software against Menshevik Lieber, Lenin reminded Lenin's famous argument of Marx in the "Eighteenth Brother" regarding the peasant, his mind and prejudice.

In 1905 - 1906, Lenin, struggling against the heroes of the revolutionary phrase, recalled the separation of sarcamme, with which Marx in the "eighteenth brother" opposed the proletarian revolutions by bourgeois, indicating that "weakness, as always, flew faith in miracles." "No false! Our strength in a statement of Truth!" - So entitled Lenin one of his articles.

With a huge force, Lenin deployed the struggle against the "parliamentary cryatinism" Mensheviks. In articles against Tifliss Mensheviks, against Parvus and Plekhanov, Lenin showed that this cretinism is generated by faith in the fact that the parliamentary struggle "is the only or under all conditions the main form of a piite struggle" 4. Lenin exposed the Mensheviks who gave the block with Cadets for the "Combat Agreement", while in fact he was a "toy-constitutional fight" 5, manifestation of parliamentary cretinism.

In 1917, in the notebook "Marxism and the State" and in their great work "the state and revolution" Lenin reliefly determined the historical meaning of "eighteenth brother". Lowing an excerpt from the VII chapter of this work on the issue of the state machine and the tasks of the proletariat against this car, Lenin wrote: "In this wonderful reasoning, Marxism makes a huge step forward compared to the" Communist Manifesto ". There is a question about the state is still extremely abstract, In the most common concepts and expressions. Here the question is set specifically, and the conclusion is made extremely accurate, determined, almost tactile: all the former revolutions have improved the state car, and it is necessary to break it, break. This conclusion is the main thing, the main thing in the teachings of Marxism about the state " 6.

The brilliant work of Marx "Eighteenth Brother" is an acute theoretical weapon in the great struggle that the sons of the working class are conducted in all wider against the power of the bourgeoisie, for the victory of communism. The author's official page on Libamstra:

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Eighteenth Brother Louis Bonaparte ("Eighteenth Brother Louis Bonaparte",)

the work of K. Marx, in which the experience of class struggle in France in 1848-51 develops the most important provisions of historical materialism, theory and tactics of the class struggle of the proletariat. The work was written in London in December 1851 - March 1852 under the immediate impression of the coup in France, produced on December 2, 1851 Louis Bonaparte [Marx examines this coup as a caricature for a coup, implemented by Napoleon Bonaparte on November 9 (18 Brother) 1799; Hence the name of the book]. She was published in May 1852 in New York in the I. Weidemeyer Revolution, published by Marx's companion.

In this work, Marx continues to consider the history of the revolution of 1848 in France (see Revolution 1848 in France), begun in its previous work "Class struggle in France from 1848 to 1850", gives a clear periodization of the history of the revolution, analyzes all the peripetics of political life of France Revolutionary years at an angle of view of their final result - Bonaparty coup. Marx examines the Bonapartist coup as a consequence of a sharp exacerbation of class antagonisms of the bourgeois society, strengthening the counter-revolutionism of the bourgeoisie, which from fear of the proletariat refused such the immediate form of its domination, as the bourgeois republic, and for the sake of the exploitative system, the power has passed power in the hands of the reaction-click of adventurers. Showing that Bonapartism is the dictatorship of the most counter-revolutionary elements of the bourgeoisie, Marx revealed its distinctive features: the lavaling policy between classes, the seeming independence of state power, a gross demagogy, covering the protection of the interests of the exploitative tip and combined with political terror; Allowance of the military, sales and corruption, the use of a criminal world, blackmail, bribing and other dirty funds. Already on the experience of the first months of the Bonapartist regime, Marx revealed the inherent inner contradictions and predicted the inevitability of his collapse.

Marks pays great attention to the situation of the French Society in those years in those years - and analyzing the reasons forcing the peasants to give their votes Louis Bonaparte. Marx opens the dual social nature of the peasant, emphasizing that along with conservative aspirations, which Bonaparte managed to temporarily use, the peasant discovers and revolutionary trends, the desire to escape from the traditional conditions of existence. If the prejudices pushed the peasant to Bonaparte, then the reason, the awareness of their interests should lead him to the unity of actions with the working class. "Peasants," Marx writes, "therefore, they find their natural ally and the leader in the urban proletariat, designed to express the bourgeois procedure" (Marx K. and Engels F., Op., 2 ed., Vol. 8, p. 211). At the same time, Marx emphasizes that in the face of the peasants "... The proletarian revolution will receive the choir, without which her solo in all peasant countries will turn into swan song"(Ibid., P. 607). This conclusion of Marx is a development formulated by him already in the "class struggle in France ..." (written in 1850) the ideas of the union of the working class with the peasantry under the leadership of the working class.

Having emphasizing that revolutions are a powerful accelerator of public processes, Marx shows some significant differences between bourgeois and proletarian revolutions. While the first "prescribing, quickly reach their apogee", the proletarian revolutions are not a short-term outbreak, but a long-term lane of indigenous transformations. They "constantly criticize themselves", they are characterized by the desire to openlessly open and correct their mistakes, the abundant thrust for moving forward.

A significant theoretical significance has a position on the attitude of the proletarian revolution to the bourgeois state, nominated by Marx. In this work, Marx on the basis of the experience of revolutions 1848-49 first formulates the conclusion about the need for the victorious proletariat of the old state car. Tracking on the example of France, the emergence and development of the military-bureaucratic state apparatus, Marx indicates that "all the coups have improved this car instead of breaking it" (ibid, p. 206). "This conclusion," V. I. Lenin noted, "there is the main thing that is mainly in the teaching of Marxism about the state" (full. Cons. Op., 5 ed., Vol. 33, p. 28).

In "V. b. L. B. " Marx also substantiates a number of other provisions of historical materialism: about the attitude between the basis and the add-on, between the ideological and political representatives of one or another class and the class itself, on the role of political parties and the role of personality in history, etc.

"IN. b. L. B. " Pushed many publications in various languages. From the 2nd German edition (1869, Hamburg) contains the preface to K. Marx, and from the 3rd (1885, Hamburg) is also the preface F. Engels. In Russian, the work was first published in 1894 in Geneva; entered the 1st ed. (t. 8) and 2nd ed. (t. 8) writings of K. Marx and F. Engels, add to favorites: K. Marx in 2 volumes (t. 2 - 1935, 1937, 1938, 1940), K. Marx and F. Engels in 2 volumes (t . 1 - 1948, 1949, 1952, 1955), K. Marx and F. Engels in 3 volumes (t. 1 - 1966). In the form of a separate book "V. b. L. B. " Passed in the USSR by July 1, 1970 53 publications in the languages \u200b\u200bof the Peoples of the USSR and foreign languages \u200b\u200bwith a total circulation of 1 million 398 thousand copies.; Of them to rus. Yaz. 16 editions with a total circulation of 1 million 31 thousand copies.

B. A. Krylov.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1969-1978 .

Watch what is "Eighteenth Brother Louis Bonaparte" in other dictionaries:

Marks's work, in rum, applying the dialectic method. materialism to historical analysis. Events 1848 51 in France, gave a deep content and brilliant in shape sample scientific. understanding societies. development. The writing is written in the period from Dec. ... ... Philosophical Encyclopedia

. K. Marx dedicated to theoretical. Generalizing the experience of revolution 1848 49, as well as subsequent events in France to the state. coup on Dec. 1851. It is written on Dec. 1851 March 1852, publ. I. Weidemeyer in New York in May 1852; 2 e ed. from… … Philosophical Encyclopedia

Eighteenth Brother - a coup, made in France by Napoleon Bonaparte, who dispersed 18 Brother (November 9) of 1799. People's Representatives and Proclaimed Consulate. The name "18 Go Brother Louis Bonaparta Marx gave a state coup ... Popular Political Dictionary

Karl Marx

18 Brother Louis Bonaparte

Preface to the Second German Edition of 1869

My prematurely died friend Joseph Weidemeyer [during the Civil War in America held the post of military chief of St. Louis County. (Marx Note.)] It was about to publish in New York from January 1, 1852. Political weekly. He asked me to write to this publication the story of Coup D "Etat. In accordance with this request, I wrote for him weekly until mid-February Articles under the title:" The Eighteenth Louis Louis Bonaparte ". Meanwhile, the initial plan of Weidemeyer failed. Instead, he in spring 1852 G. began to publish a monthly magazine "Die Revolution", the first release of which consists of my "eighteenth brother." A few hundred copies of this composition penetrated into Germany, not by doing, however, to the real book market. One cortex of the extreme radical German The bookseller, to whom I suggested to take on the sale of my essay, with genuine moral horror rejected such a "untimely venture".

From what was said, it is clear that the proposed essay arose under the immediate impression of events and that its historical material does not go beyond February (1852). Its present reprint is due to the demand in the book market, in part in the informatives of my friends in Germany.

From the writings that appeared almost simultaneously with mine and are dedicated to the same question, only two are noteworthy: "Napoleon Small" Viktor Hugo and the "Northward coup" of Proudhon.

Viktor Hugo is limited by caustic and witty attacks against the responsible publisher of the state coup. The most event is depicted from him, like a thunder among the clear sky. He sees only the act of violence from a separate personality. He does not notice that he depicts this identity of the Great instead of a small, attributing to her unparalleled in the world history of personal initiative. Proudhon, for his part, seeks to present the state coup by the result of the previous historical development. But the historical design of the coup is imperceptible to the historical apology of the hero of this coup. It flows, thus, in the error of our so-called objective historians. I, on the contrary, show how the class struggle in France created the conditions and circumstances, who gave the opportunity of a dozen and funny person to play the role of the hero.

The processing of the proposed essay would deprive his peculiar color. Therefore, I was limited only to the correction of typos and the elimination of those who were already incomprehensible hints.

The final words of my essay: "But if the imperial mantle falls, finally, on the shoulders of Louis Bonapora, the bronze statue of Napoleon will overthrow from the height of the Vandom Column," already come true.

Colonel Sharras discovered the attack Pa Cult Napoleon in his essay about the campaign of 1815. Since then, and especially in recent years, French literature with the help of weapons of historical research, critics, satire and humor ended with Napoleonic legend forever. Outside of France, this sharp gap with the traditional folk faith, this huge spiritual revolution, a little drew attention and even less was understood.

In conclusion, I hope that my essay will contribute to the elimination of Khoachi - especially now in Germany - the Scholar phrase about the so-called Caesarism. With this surface historical analogy, they forget the most important thing, namely, that in ancient Rome, class struggle took place only inside a privileged minority, between the free rich and free poor, while the huge productive mass of the population, slaves, served only by a passive pedestal for these fighters. Forget the Metage Note of Sissondi: the Roman proletariat lived at the expense of society, meanwhile, as a modern society lives at the expense of the proletariat. With such a radical difference between the material, economic conditions of the ancient and modern struggle and political figures generated by this struggle, they may have nothing more common than Archbishop Canterbury and High Priest Samuel.